{"id":1009,"date":"2025-12-01T08:59:48","date_gmt":"2025-12-01T05:59:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/?p=1009"},"modified":"2025-12-22T09:56:39","modified_gmt":"2025-12-22T06:56:39","slug":"foucault-ve-iran-devrimi-uzerinden-teori-pratik-iliskisinin-karmasikligini-yeniden-dusunmek","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/?p=1009","title":{"rendered":"Foucault ve \u0130ran Devrimi \u00dczerinden Teori-Pratik \u0130li\u015fkisinin Karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Yeniden D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Elif Algi\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Michel Foucault, 1978 ve 1979\u2019da \u0130ran\u2019a seyahat ederek devrim hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini <em>Corriere della Sera<\/em> gibi gazetelerde yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015f ve \u015fehitlik, modernitenin reddi gibi temalara dikkat \u00e7ekerek devrimin ruhuna y\u00f6nelik hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmi\u015ftir. Ancak, 1990\u2019l\u0131 ve 2000\u2019li y\u0131llara gelindi\u011finde Foucault\u2019nun \u0130ran Devrimine y\u00f6nelik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri romantik olmak ve devrimin politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmekle ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u201cPolitik Maneviyat ve Modernitenin Reddi\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Foucault\u2019nun \u0130ran Devrimi analizinin merkezinde \u201cpolitik maneviyat\u201d kavram\u0131 yer al\u0131r ve Foucault bu kavram\u0131, bireylerin siyasi veya dini bir iktidar taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen \u201c\u00f6zne\u201d konumundan s\u0131yr\u0131l\u0131p kendilerini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme iradesi olarak tan\u0131mlar. Foucault\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u0130ran Devrimi Bat\u0131 modernizminin ve materyalizminin reddedildi\u011fi, kollektif bir iradenin ruhani bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya konuldu\u011fu \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, Foucault, \u015eii \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u015fehadet ve Kerbela anlat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n devrimdeki rol\u00fcn\u00fc incelemi\u015f ve dini dinamikleri moderniteye kar\u015f\u0131 bir direni\u015f arac\u0131 olarak yorumlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, bu noktada Foucault, dini s\u00f6ylemin pragmatik kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmi\u015f ve olguyu romantize etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Foucault, \u0130ran Devrimi\u2019ni Bat\u0131 rasyonalitesine ve modernizmine bir alternatif olarak konumland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ancak, Do\u011fu toplumlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cirrasyonel\u201d olarak kodlayan klasik Bat\u0131l\u0131 entelekt\u00fcel bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretmekle ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Afary ve Anderson gibi akademisyenler, Foucault\u2019nun devrimin dini karakterine duydu\u011fu hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, \u0130slamc\u0131 hareketin otoriter potansiyelini g\u00f6rmesini engelledi\u011fini belirtmektedir. Foucault, devrimin anti-Bat\u0131 karakterine odaklan\u0131rken, i\u00e7 dinamikleri ve siyasi riskleri yeterince analiz edememi\u015f dini \u00f6gelerin pragmatik olarak kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Foucault\u2019nun analizlerine y\u00f6neltilen en somut ele\u015ftirilerden biri, toplumsal cinsiyet politikalar\u0131 \u00fczerinedir. Foucault, devrimin manevi y\u00f6n\u00fcne odaklan\u0131rken, kurulacak \u0130slami rejimin kad\u0131nlar ve az\u0131nl\u0131klar \u00fczerindeki olas\u0131 bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmi\u015ftir. O d\u00f6nemde Atoussa H. gibi \u0130ranl\u0131 kad\u0131nlar, dini rejimin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini k\u0131s\u0131tlayaca\u011f\u0131na dair endi\u015felerini dile getirmi\u015f olsalar da Foucault bu uyar\u0131lara yan\u0131t vermemi\u015f ve feminist ele\u015ftirileri \u0130slam\u2019a y\u00f6nelik oryantalist bir sald\u0131r\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirmi\u015ftir. \u0130ktidar\u0131n kad\u0131n bedeni \u00fczerindeki olas\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc analizine dahil etmemi\u015ftir. Foucault\u2019nun devrime dair bu \u201cidealist\u201d bak\u0131\u015f\u0131, \u0130ran\u2019da devrimin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 somut sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 g\u00f6rmesini engellemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Devrimin ard\u0131ndan \u0130ran\u2019da teokratik bir rejim kuruldu\u011funda Foucault, devrim \u00f6ncesindeki deste\u011finin aksine sessiz kalmay\u0131 tercih etmi\u015ftir. Bu sessizlik, entelekt\u00fcellerin sorumlulu\u011fu ba\u011flam\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Foucault, entelekt\u00fcellerin teorik duru\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n pratik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131nda olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunsa da \u0130ran \u00f6rne\u011finde idealist yorumlamalar\u0131 ile devrimin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 otoriter rejimin somut ger\u00e7eklikleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki konusunda sessizli\u011fini korumu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Teoriden Prati\u011fe G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u0130ran\u2019\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Foucault\u2019nun analizleri, devrimlerin \u201c\u00f6znele\u015fme\u201d s\u00fcre\u00e7leri ve iktidar mekanizmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015f potansiyeli a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan teorik bir de\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131sa da bug\u00fcn \u0130ran\u2019daki duruma bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Foucault\u2019nun 1979\u2019da \u201cmodernitenin reddi\u201d olarak olumlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131n\u0131n, tam da Foucault\u2019nun g\u00f6rmezden geldi\u011fi toplumsal kesimler \u00fczerinde bir bask\u0131 mekanizmas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Foucault devrimde bir \u201cpolitik maneviyat\u201d ararken, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u0130ran toplumunun taleplerinin \u00f6zellikle y\u00fckselen \u00f6\u011frenci ve kad\u0131n hareketleri ile daha \u00e7ok sek\u00fcler haklar, bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve modern hukuk normlar\u0131 ekseninde \u015fekillendi\u011fi g\u00f6zlemlenmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Foucault\u2019nun analizi, bir entelekt\u00fcelin teorik idealleri ile toplumsal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermektedir. Sonu\u00e7 olarak Foucault\u2019nun \u0130ran analizi; bir entelekt\u00fcelin teorik idealleri ile tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki karma\u015f\u0131k pratik ger\u00e7eklikler aras\u0131ndaki derin mesafeye dair \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek te\u015fkil etmektedir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Elif Algi\u015f Michel Foucault, 1978 ve 1979\u2019da \u0130ran\u2019a seyahat ederek devrim hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini Corriere della Sera gibi gazetelerde yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015f ve \u015fehitlik, modernitenin reddi gibi temalara dikkat \u00e7ekerek devrimin ruhuna y\u00f6nelik hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmi\u015ftir. Ancak, 1990\u2019l\u0131 ve 2000\u2019li y\u0131llara gelindi\u011finde Foucault\u2019nun \u0130ran Devrimine y\u00f6nelik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri romantik olmak ve devrimin politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmekle ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir.&nbsp; \u201cPolitik [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":24,"featured_media":1074,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[27],"tags":[],"series":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1009"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/24"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1009"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1009\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1010,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1009\/revisions\/1010"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/1074"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1009"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1009"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1009"},{"taxonomy":"series","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.atilim.edu.tr\/manzara-politik\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fseries&post=1009"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}